Columbia recently provided U.S. forces access to several military bases to help combat guerillas and the drug trade.

Hugo Chavez, visiting Russia’s leadership in Moscow, took the opportunity to declare that the U.S. forces in Columbia are a threat to Venezuela’s security and a rationalization for his purchase of nearly 100 T-72 tanks and an S-300 anti-aircraft rocket launch systems. Over the past few years Venezuela has bought $4 billion worth of weapons from Russia, including 24 Sukhoi fighter jets, combat helicopters and 100,000 Kalashnikov assault rifles. Chavez was in Russia as part of a world tour that led him to Iran, Syria, Algeria, Libya, and Turkmenistan. He hopes these countries will join Venezuela in an anti-U.S. coalition.

Chavez has also announced a new atomic energy partnership with Russia, saying that “Venezuela is going to start developing nuclear energy, but we are not going to make an atomic bomb, so don’t be bothering us afterward … with something like what they have against Iran.”

The mention of Iran verges on the facetious. On the tour Chavez also met with President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and agreed to ship 20,000 barrels of gasoline per day to Iran in the event of international sanctions. Whether Venezuela’s rickety refineries are capable of doing so is questionable. Nonetheless, it is clear that Iran and Venezuela consider themselves strong allies. In July, former Defense Secretary William S. Cohen contended that among Gulf States there is now “greater fear of Iran than there is animus toward Israel.” Uruguay and other Latin American countries have voiced concern that Chavez may instigate a Latin American arms race.

The question is why the United States’ hands are essentially tied on the global stage when confronting Iran and Venezuela. The answer is oil: in 2008 Iran held 11% of the world’s proved oil reserves and Venezuela 8%. In a ranking of net exporters in 2008, Iran ranked fourth at 2.4 million barrels per day, and Venezuela ranked eighth at 1.8 million barrels per day – together, they export around a fifth of daily U.S. oil consumption. No major consuming country, including the U.S., Europe, China or Japan, is likely to risk a massive supply disruption.

Chavez’ bombastic oratory may be no more than hot air. But as he continues to follow in Ahmedinejad’s lead, the United States would do well to add the two countries’ bullying and our hamstrung diplomatic response to the list of reasons for unfastening our transportation system from total oil dependence.

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